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Remley, Zita Donegan (audio interview #4 of 6)
INTERVIEW DESCRIPTION - This fourth of six interviews with Zita Remley was conducted as part of a project for a summer session women's oral history course and is longer than the previous sessions. 7/28/1976
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- *** File: refzremley5.mp3 Audio Segments and Topics: (0:00-9:50)... Remley got into politics in 1925 when she was living in Carlsbad. Her husband registered Republican and told her that she'd be a fool to register Democrat when the whole state was solidly Republican and she'd have no voice at primary level. She took his advice but worried and lost sleep until she finally went to San Diego and re-registered as a Democrat. She never voted Republican. She worked hard for Al Smith, the "wet" candidate, at Oceanside Headquarters and went to San Diego to see him. She was enthusiastic, but many people seemed afraid to admit they were for him and for repeal of prohibition, even though almost everyone wanted an end to prohibition. (9:50-11:30)... In 1932, the Remleys were living in Tujunga, and both were out of jobs. She borrowed money to ride into LA and contribute $5 to FDR. Her husband changed his registration to Democrat to vote for FDR - because of Hoover. In 1934 she worked on the campaign of John Steven McGroarty [a protean person], and he was elected to Congress and became chief advocate for the Townsend Plan. (11:30-16:45)... Remley also worked very hard on Upton Sinclair's 1934 campaign for governor against Frank Merriam. In fact, she cost Lou's job by telling his Republican boss she was out working until 7:00 for Sinclair. The Merriam organization ran a viciously dirty campaign, misquoting Sinclair on billboards and taking every book he had written out of circulation so the misquotes couldn't be checked. (16:45-27:15)... The Los Angeles Times and <Herald Examiner ran stories against Sinclair and industries said they would move out of state if Sinclair was elected. His Democratic primary opponents wouldn't endorse or campaign for him; Roosevelt gave him no support. But the positive result was that the Sinclair campaign brought to life and organized the people who were for the Democrats from then forward. He brought people out. As one woman said, if it hadn't been for him, we'd never have gotten together. They elected Sheridan Downey to the Senate, McGroarty to the House, and Roosevelt to his second term. It was the turning point for the Democrats. [Editor's note: Remley thought that Downey ran only once. In fact, he served two terms.] (27:15-28:50)... The influential Los AngelesTimes was vitriolic against Democrats in the 1930s. While the Examiner endorsed Roosevelt in 1932 and 1936, the Times was against him all the way. Later, when the Peace Corps started, a Democrat friend and husband spent four years out of country with the Corps, and on return she was astonished by the change in the Times. It was still Republican but had become more independent and gave fair coverage to Democrats. (28:50-35:16)... Remley comments that women worked hard in politics, all volunteer, no pay. They kept headquarters open, and worked the streets. She took her kids on canvassing trips with her. Although she hadn't met McGroarty, she called him and offered to work for him. He was delighted. They found a storefront and got tables and chairs and put up signs. Women weren't involved in writing literature, but she became McGroarty's office manager and scheduled his appointments. He was a popular speaker and was speaking in LA. She told him he should stay in his district. She saw to it that volunteers were always in the office to answer every call. It was important to keep volunteers busy or they'd be dissatisfied and go home. She didn't raise money, but he had plenty and could run ads. It was a happy day when he won. (35:16-38:41)... When the Remleys moved to Alhambra in 1936, she went to the Democrats' office and volunteered. Jerry Voorhees was running that year, and she worked hard for him. After he won, she became manager for his district. She also worked for Governor Cuthbert Olson, who she describes as very handsome. (38:41-43:38)... Remley notes that campaigns were hard. They worked very hard to change Alhambra but failed. The district also included San Marino-South Pasadena, Monterey Park, and part of San Gabriel. San Marino was 99 percent Republican, and they always won somebody's award for biggest percentage voting. Monterey Park and San Gabriel were Democrat, so it came down to how Alhambra voted. She worked for Hugo Noren, an Alhambra City Councilman, who was running for assembly, but he couldn't beat Richard Richards, who in turn lost to the Republican. They did keep Voorhees in office for ten years, until 1946. He was so conscientious that they identified every house that had three registered Democrats, and Voorhees personally visited all of them. This was a large district that ran all the way to Claremont, and included Whittier, Monrovia, and Arcadia. End of tape. *** File: refzremley6.mp3 (0:00-1:08)... This segment begins in the middle of a discussion about Chet Holifield, Congressman from the 19th district 1943-1974. Holifield was very popular in his district and had wonderful PR. If anything was said about him in any organization, someone reported it to Holifield, who went to the source, told his side, and sometimes agreed with the criticism. (1:08-3:00)... Remley comments that Voorhees worked himself almost to death covering his large district. He'd go to any organization having a function that wanted him, even if there were only twenty people. His precinct workers sent out lots of mailings. It was a constant struggle because he had to get so many Republican votes to win in his district. He was voted the hardest worker in Washington but didn't get good committee assignments because his district wasn't safe. If he were to be defeated [as he was, eventually, by Nixon] the party would lose seniority, so they put people from safe districts on the committees. (3:00-7:20)... Voorhees always appointed Remley to the state committee. At the suggestion of Remley and Voorhees's field agent, they formed Assembly district councils in the 53rd, 49th, and 50th, and then a 12th Congressional district council. Their big functions so impressed Alan Cranston he formed the 158th district statewide, copying Remley's district bylaws, almost word for word. It was the CDC (California Democratic Council) that made the Democratic party in California. It held annual conventions in Sacramento that Remley describes as "lots and lots of fun". (7:20-10:00)... In the 1940's Jimmy Roosevelt wanted to be state chair of the Democratic party, but wealthy oilman Ed Pauley and his group controlled the Democratic party and the state convention. People wanting to vote for Roosevelt were afraid to oppose Pauley publicly. Remley suggested a secret ballot and, at Roosevelt's urging, she made that motion, which was greeted by a storm of "ayes." Roosevelt won, even though Pauley people watched everyone come up and sign to see if their vote ended in T. (10:00-13:35)... When Pauley's right-hand man asked Remley what she really wanted out of politics, she told him that her price was high - good government. Although Remley was glad that Roosevelt won, she was later disappointed in him. Her sister Mabel worked for Pauley. (13:35-17:50)... In the early days, when Democrats weren't winning anything, a woman named Madison Boyd Jones was a party power because she had so much money. She demanded and won equal representation for women on the state committee. A problem developed in the state committee because nominees had equal voice with elected officials in making appointments. There were many more nominees than office holders, who wound up in minority while those out of power controlled appointments. Many ran for office just to be able to appoint to the state committee. This was changed to give elected officials more appointments. Jones ran for national committeewoman against Helen Gahagan Douglas. When Douglas won, the headline was, "Glamour girl wins out over brains." (17:50-22:34)... Remley notes that Helen Gahagan Douglas didn't run for Congress in her own district. Tom Ford retired and she was elected. She headed the women's section of the Democratic Party. When Douglas ran in her own district, Remley brought in crews and tramped the hills for her. The Fords (John Anson and Tom) were very popular and prestigious and supported her, so as a woman, she didn't have a hard election. She would have remained a Congresswoman if she hadn't run for US Senate. She was outstanding and was put on good committees, because her district was one of the few safe ones for Democrats and she could develop seniority. (22:34-25:40)... Manchester Boddy, Los Angeles Daily News publisher with a clean past, ran against Douglas in the 1950 Democratic Senate primary because the conservative Democrats who controlled the party thought that Douglas too left wing. State Senator McAteer, running for lieutenant governor, was afraid to endorse Douglas and lose Boddy's newspaper endorsement. At a big Sunday breakfast that Remley put on in San Marino, an attorney demanded that McAteer say if he was for Boddy or Douglas. Remley jumped up and said, "Senator McAteer is for noboddy but Helen." (25:40-28:16)... Remley recounts a story about the extravagance of the Democrats in moving the entire headquarters office contents from Chicago to Washington and back again, including the handmade pincushion favors that Remley's children had made out of Yucca plants for the Douglas campaign. (28:16-30:00)... Before the Douglas Senatorial campaign, Remley worked for Voorhees until he was defeated in 1946 by Richard Nixon. She worked hard for Richard Richards, who she calls "my baby" and describes as being so bright and the best extemporaneous speaker she knew. He couldn't win in her district, however, so she told him to move. He did and became Democratic county chairman, then state Senator for many years , but lost the Democratic nomination for US Senate. He wound up making a lot of money heading a large law firm in LA. (30:00-32:14)... Remley notes that no one could win against US Senator Tom Kuchel, who wasn't that good but was someone everyone voted for. Finally the state committee insisted that Cranston make the run because he was in mid-term as Controller and, therefore, safe. He filed at the last moment and spent no money nor campaigned. When Max Rafferty, an arch conservative, spent a fortune and won the Republican primary against Kuchel, Democratic money and effort poured into Cranston, and he beat Rafferty. In between campaigns Remley worked every spring for the county assessor. (32:14-35:43)... Remley worked on Stanley Mosk's campaign for California Attorney General and dragged him to Catholic church raffles. She'd suggest to the pastor that Mosk draw the raffle tickets, but he always disappeared, very fearful he'd be accused of participating in an illegal gambling game. In Long Beach she managed Alan Cranston's successful campaign for Controller. Mosk nominated her for the grand jury and she was chosen, but with three small kids she felt she couldn't do it and regretted her decision ever after. She didn't realize what a political plum it was, and how much she would have learned about how government really works. (35:43-42:45)... Remley describes the Voorhees loss to Nixon in 1946. The Republicans were ready to nominate someone else when Nixon wrote from Washington that he was absolutely clean and wanted to come out and run. He returned to became Whittier City Attorney and was nominated. He ran a vicious campaign, backed by lots of money. He had a 30-phone boiler room, and they called Democrats and offered a small appliance to anyone who would answer the home phone, "Nixon for Congress." They also advertised for callers at $9/day to call and say, "Do you know Jerry Voorhees is a communist?" Her niece called about the job and asked if she couldn't say something else. No, we're finding that very effective was the response. (42:45-45:20)... Remley recounts how a woman came to her door and told her " if your son is killed in the South Seas, you can blame Jerry Voorhees." The woman explained that Voorhees was preventing the troops from getting oil. Voorhees explained he'd discovered that Secretary Knox had signed a secret contract allowing Standard Oil to take all the oil out of the Elk Hills reserve. Voorhees obtained a copy of the contract and spoke against it in Congress. The next day Knox canceled the contract, and later a new one was written. End of tape. *** File: refzremley7.mp3 (0:00-2:08)... Remley relates a Nixon compaign practice that had contributors sending in stamps and taking business deductions. The stamps were taken to the post office and converted to cash. The Democrats had used stamps for mailings but this was the first time they were cashed. The Post Office put out a new regulation prohibiting the conversion practice. (2:08-7:00)... The Nixon-Voorhees debate in South Pasadena was vicious. Nixon's campaign manager was Murray Chotiner, about who Remley comments: "you can't conceive of a more hateful and mean man." As emcee he treated Voorhees scornfully and the predominantly Republican audience booed Voorhees constantly. Remley notes that Voorhees was a Yale grad, educated for the ministry, and that the Republican tactics bewildered him. Nixon billboards said, "Vote for your Congressman, Richard Nixon," even though he wasn't. Nixon distributed pins saying vote for Richard Nixon, stick a pin in the CIO. Voorhees refused the CIO endorsement because he disagreed with some of its activities, but Nixon claimed in all literature that the CIO had endorsed him. (7:00-8:30)... According to Remley, the business community considered Voorhees a mild-mannered crackpot who had strange ideas about money. Voorhees understood money and wrote a book, Out of Debt, Out of Danger, condemning control over the money supply by the Federal Reserve in violation of the constitution. The book received national publicity, and Voorhees was written up in many responsible publications. (Voorhees' father, who practically financed his campaigns, was a banker with several banks in Kansas.) The money lenders decided that Voorhees had to go and poured money into Nixon's campaign. It was the first Congressional district campaign in history to spend $1 million. Nixon was the best candidate money could buy. (8:30-11:10)... Remley describes election night, 1950, as one of the saddest in her life. Knowing they would lose San Marino and South Pasadena but expecting to win in Monterey Park, and El Monte, she was at Alhambra Headquarters because it would decide the election. She had to inform Voorhees that he was losing in Alhambra. The next day, trying on a fur coat (a gift), she broke into tears in front of the clerk and said, "We've just lost the best Congressman who ever lived!" (11:10-14:27)... Remley managed precinct workers and the office, made appointments, got speakers, and supervised mailings. She lost her Postmaster job when Nixon encouraged disabled veterans to file for civil service jobs. They got preference and went to top of the list and she couldn't match that. She worked for the Democratic ticket full time, on duty all the time, working for James Roosevelt for governor in 1950 and for Helen Gahagan Douglas for Senate. She was paid for managing Douglas's office. Among other things she got a crew of high school girls who took precinct lists home at night, did addressing, and brought the materials back the next morning. One eager girl said it was so exciting she planned to go into politics. (14:27-17:33)... Although Remley's husband, Lou, was never active in party politics, he always voted. He never cared about her many hours spent working on campaigns. Remley digresses and discusses a small write-in campaign she organized for Mary Russell. Some of the people she called apparently didn't hear well and seven of twelve wrote in Lillian Russell. (17:33-20:10)... Remley served on the County Committee, the State Committee, and the State Executive Board of the Democratic party for years. They met every month all over the state, but none of them were effective. The State Committee was supposed to make party policy and the County Committees were to carry it out, but the latter didn't do their job. As a result, Renee Simon, Fred Chel, and Mark Hannaford all ran campaigns separate from the committees; and because the committees didn't support the candidates financially, they had to get money from lobbyists and thus had no loyalty to the committees. (20:10-28:45)... Cranston changed the role and effectiveness of the party committees when he got all the clubs together in the California Democratic Council. He called a meeting in 1958 in Fresno, and they became a big annual event, with national candidates coming there to seek endorsements. The 1958 slogan was Sweep the State, and they did, winning every major office. Remley was thrilled to be there. The high note of the CDC for Remley was the big CDC convention at the Long Beach arena in 1962. She ran it, arranging separate offices for each candidate and making all arrangements. She got a key from the arena manager that would open all doors and wore it on a thick cord around her neck, worrying she might lose it. (28:45-29:04)... Jesse Unruh was fighting CDC because he couldn't control it. Lyndon Johnson was coming out to speak, but Unruh kept him in Palm Springs, angering Remley. Unruh then started another organization, and he tried to get Pat Brown to vote against CDC. Brown wouldn't do it because CDC had helped him so much. CDC fell into disrepute when it went from endorsements to issues. The young McGovern left-wingers would keep sessions going until 3 AM, after the older delegates went to bed, and they adopted issues that were "too far advanced" for the time. The elected officials then didn't want CDC endorsement, and when the clubs, led by Remley's, got out of CDC in the middle of late 1960s, it died. (29:04-33:00)... Remley notes that the Democratic party is very different from the Republicans and refers to a radio commentator's remark that the Republicans all looked like they were from the same strata while the Democrats had everything from distinguished Southern gentlemen to wild-eyed young and to old ladies. It took a strong leader to hold them all together. Precinct workers were all kinds, more women than men because women were available in daytime. The clubs were women's, too, because they met in the afternoon. Men generally were in the clubs to advance their political chances while women were there for the good of it. George Brown, who ran unsuccessfully against Tunney for U. S. Senate and was the longtime Congressman from San Bernardino, got his start in the clubs. Remley recalls that she gave him his first precinct to work in Monterey Park. (33:00-35:30)... Remley may have originated the personalized letter campaign tool. When Woodrow Wilson's grandson ran for Congress, she had four women in her precinct each write a personal letter about him, which went to every voter. Hers was the only precinct he carried in the Congressional district. Fred Chel adapted the idea and, unlike a form letter, each precinct's candidate appeared at the top of what looked like a personal letter. Chel thinks using it elected him in a precinct that no Democrat had won. Regardless of party affiliation, people were thrilled to get a letter from a neighbor. It was a gimmick that worked. (35:30-38:10)... Remley chaired and co-founded the Democratic Women's Forum. Reflecting Douglas's positions, it was liberal, in contrast to the official party that was more conservative. Carmen Warshaw made the Forum conservative. The Forum gave money just to women candidates; their charter was for women. (38:10-42:03)... Remley describes Nixon's campaign against Douglas as filthy. He used communism as the issue, not that she was a women running for office. His favorite line was, "she voted with Marcantonio," a liberal Congressman from New York. Nixon called her the pink lady and put out a broadside libeling her on pink paper. When Eleanor Roosevelt wrote a column putting the lie to some of the statements, Nixon threatened to sue her, denying he had said those things. Remley got a call at 4 AM from the wife of Douglas's field man. Eleanor Roosevelt was flying out, and they wanted a copy of the pink paper. Remley found one and when ER got off the plane, she was waving it. Nixon didn't sue. (42:03-44:53)... Remley organized Catholics for Douglas and feels that it's the best job of organization she ever did, getting a pamphlet distributed to every parish in Southern California. The Tidings was backing Nixon and then-Archbishop McIntyre called her in and berated her for using a captive audience. She recounts the exchange with him, during which he gave her credit for being a wonderful politician. End of tape. *** File: refzremley8.mp3 (0:00-1:35)... Continuing to discuss the political support of the Catholic Church for Republicans, Remley notes that The Tidings was strongly opposed to Truman and Archibald McLeish (sic). [Editor's note: she was probably referring to Dean Acheson.] Remley sent clippings from The Tidings to Helen Gahagan Douglas who showed them to Truman. Remley claims that the next day Truman appointed an Ambassador to the Vatican, the millionaire who gave his summer home to the pope. [Note: In 1950 appointed Myron Taylor his personal representative to the Vatican for special missions.] (1:35-7:52)... Remley notes that opportunities were growing for women entering politics on the local, state, and national levels. Although the gate had been opened, it was still a long road ahead. She notes how Renee Simon, with Republican support, ran for state Senate. She believe that Simon has done a very good job in Long Beach City Council. [Note: at the time of the interview, Simon was sitting on the City Council.] She is responsive to constituents, holding an open forum every Saturday, and writing a regular newspaper column. Remley believe that Simon has a chance to win the state Senate seat, though her age is against her. Remley regrets that Helen Gahagan Douglas left politics. She combined intelligence with complete femininity. By contrast, she describes Bella Abzug as brilliant but almost too crude, almost "taking the hide off" a state chairman in a recent speech. Citing March Fong Eu as Secretary of State, Patsy Mink in Congress (who she describes as an intellectual who does her homework and is a leading speaker) and Barbara Milkuski, Remley believes that minorities are doing better. (7:52-14:22)... Remley thinks men will vote for either a man or a woman, but that women prefer a man over a woman. She believes that a woman's proper role is ingrained in them, pointing to a recent meeting of five men and five women where the women just naturally brought the food. However, young women are being more vocal and active and points to a woman (Shirley Philiasco?) who was instrumental in getting Richard Nevins on the Board of Equalization and ran it behind the scenes. End of tape.
- SUBJECT BIO - Zita Donegan Remley was an influential figure in California Democratic party politics, and was called upon regularly to organize and coordinate election campaigns. One of eight children, Remley was born in North Platte, Nebraska to a family who engaged actively in political discussions and participated regularly in Chautaquas. Her mother was an advocate of women's rights and typified progressive era reform women activists. After her Catholic school education, Remley attended the University of Nebraska. During a summer break, she met a group of school teachers who were selling Chautaqua desks and, in short order joined them, working as a traveling saleswoman. She rose in the ranks of the company and transferred herself to Los Angeles in 1925 in order to be close to her future husband. Remley became involved in politics in 1925 while living in Carlsbad, working hard for the election of Al Smith and then, in 1934, both for John Steven McGroarty, an advocate of the Townsend Plan and for Upton Sinclair. When she moved to Alhambra in 1936, she volunteered for Jerry Voorhees and became his district manager after he won the election. She worked for Voorhees until his defeat by Richard Nixon in 1946; organized the 12th District Council, which became the model in 1958 for the California Democratic Council (CDC); and was elected to serve on the Democratic Party County Committee, State Committee and Executive Board. In 1950, Remley ran Helen Gahagan Douglas's unsuccessful campaign for Senate; and in 1958 worked on the campaigns of Alan Cranston and Stanley Mosk and was recruited by the AFL/CIO State Federation to organize the campaign to defeat a "Right to Work" ballot measure. After following her husband to San Francisco in 1960, she was called on to serve as the secretary-treasurer of the Adlai Stevenson campaign in California. In addition to these campaigns, Remley worked for local Long Beach politicians while she lived there and organized the Democratic club there. Among her other organizing activities and accomplishments, Remley co-founded and chaired the Democratic Women's Forum, an organization devoted to supporting women's participation in politics and running for office. TOPICS - becoming involved in politics; Upton Sinclair; Merriam campaign tactics; women's work in Democractic party; move to Alhambra in l936; campaigning for Voorhees; working for Cuthbert Olson; campaign organizing; and Nixon-Voorhees contest;political organizing; campaigns of Jerry Voorhees; Jimmy Roosevelt; Helen Gahagan Douglas, Manchester Boddy and Stanley Mosk; and vicious Nixon campaign tactics;the Nixon-Voorhees campaign; Remley's duties; committee service; Jesse Unruh; parties and precincts; George Brown; campaign tactics; organizing Catholics; women's involvement in politics;organizing Catholics; role of Catholic church in Republican campaigns; women in politics; and Richard Nevins appointment to Board of Equalization;
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